Parliamentary National Security Committee finalises strategy

The Parliamentary committee on National Security has finalised it's strategy with regards to National Security and terrorism. The committee was formed by a joint Govt. and Opposition resolution in National Assembly.

The committee is headed by Sen. Raza Rabbani, while members consist of all the ruling and opposition parties. It was announced by committee that they have reached a unanimous charter, only second time in the history of this military ruled and politically debacled country in 60 years, to counter external, but more importantly, internal threats.

The findings will be presented in National Assembly on 9th April and in Senate on 17th April, and made open for discussion in both the houses, and released to public.

It is widely speculated that, the new strategy's focal point is its toughened position on the infamous Drone Attacks. The drone attacks by NATO forces on Pakistan's tribal belt, bordering Afghanistan, is being viewed as a primary source of resentment of the locals against the Government of Pakistan, and has been a major motivational tool for the likes of Baitullah Mehsud, Mangal Bagh and Mulana Fazlullah's armed militia's, operating autonomously in the Tribal belt and adjoining areas.

Recently, all the major attacks, including the attacks on Sri Lankan Cricket team, the attack on Police Academy in Lahore and the attack on Paramilitary residential quarters in Islamabad have been cited as 'revenge' for the 'drone attacks' by the TTP leader, Baitullah Mehsood.

The biggest problem, for Government to reach an accord with locals for non-assistance to Taliban, have been these drone attacks. In the tribal belt, when a drone attacks the village of a particular tribe, and kills people belonging to the tribe, that tribe, according to the tribal traditions, takes it upon themselves to 'avenge' the death of their fellow tribesman. This is where the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) provides them with a platform to fight the 'agressors'. NATO forces, ( more commonly viewed as US forces) in Afghanistan, and Pakistan Army and Civilian Law and Order agencies as their helpers and co-conspirators in Pakistan.

Human Rights Commission of Pakistan has reported over 4000 deaths in past few years, not including the death toll of Army, militants, and those killed in Drone Attacks. Add to it the AFP and other independednt news aganecies reported toll of over 350 people killed by drone attacks, in 2008 alone.

While the death toll is humungous, the Pakistan Govt. from the out-set during the Bush administration has been meekish in objecting to drone attacks. Gen. Musharraf's government, not once raised the question of drone attacks on official forums. Things, however, are now shaping up, especially when US envoy Richard Holbrooke is here.

A common person in Pakistan views these strikes as a violation of Nation's sovereignty., an issue most people are sensitive to in their psychological make up. That view is now being represented by the National Assembly. It fans more anti-American sentiments, and makes the Govt. position difficult to openly acknlowdge the threat of extremeists and devise and persue a counter strategy.

While drone attacks have been effective in killing their main targets i.e. high valued Taliban commanders i.e. Commander Naik Mohammad of Waziristan, and the foreigners(Chechen, Uzbek and Arabs) aiding Taliban,but the collateral they bring with them is huge. Only today a suspected Drone attack in a busy Waziristan market, fired a missile on a car parked outside shops. four people including two suspected Taliban and a shopper were killed, while another 4 shop keepers and shoppers were injured. In 2007, a suspected drone missile strike on a religious seminary killed more than 250 people in Bajaur.

Who is responsible for assisting immigrants from tribal areas?

Excerpt from Urooj Zia's story in The News (http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=153180 )


Hundreds and thousands of war affected people from FATA have poured into Karachi in recent months. Many still live with relatives or friends already settled in Karachi. Twelve-year-old Hakim, his six siblings ranging in age from five to 16, his parents and his 78-year-old grandfather, Hikmat, are among them.

Three months ago, the biggest problem in Hakim's life was trying to not get beaten up by his teacher. He was learning the Qura'an by heart at his local mosque, which also doubled as a Madressah in his village near Waziristan. Today, Hakim polishes shoes for a living at a park near his temporary home in Karachi. When business is slow, he begs, as do his siblings and his
grandfather.

"Somewhere around the end of summer, fliers rained down on us from the Pakistan Army aeroplanes. The imam from the mosque said that the fliers were telling us to pack up and leave within six hours, because they would bomb our village," Hakim said. He doesn't know who 'they' are, or why his village was going to be bombed. "We gathered up everything, and left in large trucks. We had heard stories about people who died in other villages because they did not leave when told to do so."

The family came to Hakim's distant uncle in Karachi. This 'uncle' can more appropriately be described as someone who lived in the same village as Hakim's family. Around 40 people from the village came to his house and stayed there for three weeks, before moving in with other Pukhtoon families in the area. Hakim's family of 10, including his parents, however, still live at his 'uncle's' house. The latter already had four children of his own, and the house is actually a mud room in one of the slums around SITE. The small space is divided into a kitchen area and an enclosure for a restroom.

Prior to this move, Hikmat had never set foot outside his village. His son herded goats, which had to be left behind when the family fled. He gained employment a month-and-a-half ago at a local textile mill in Karachi. "My uncle took my father to the Thekedaar (contractor) for this factory, and he hired him," Hakim said.

"My husband hasn't been paid since he joined," Hakim's mother told The News. "He works two shifts at the factory. They said they would pay him last month. Then they said they'll pay him this month. When he protests, they threaten to throw him out, but what would he do if he loses this job? Right now we make ends meet with the money the children bring in."

Hakim's father's story is not unique. While a majority of the people that came to Karachi from FATA have taken to begging – especially old people and children – many of the able-bodied young men have taken up work in the industrial areas of Karachi.

The turnover of labour in these areas is generally extremely high, primarily due to the Thekedaari Nizaam or the contractual system. One person is chosen by the owner of a factory to recruit labour informally for the organisation. These workers are not listed as part of the factory in official labour department reviews, and are open to exploitation – especially immigrants
from FATA.

Almost none of these people had been paid since they joined, and were too scared to protest or quit for fear of losing their jobs and not being able to find another.

Many work multiple shifts, and rest at nearby parks during breaks. "I don't go home because the rooms are already so crowded," said Nihal, a worker at a construction site. "I'd rather just try and get some sleep in this park here, before getting back to work again in an hour."

Meanwhile, the Sindh Labour Department maintains that it has not received complaints regarding the exploitation of these workers. "We can only take action if these workers come up to us and complain," provincial Labour Minister Amir Nawab said. "Once we receive complaints, we constitute an inquiry commission, and try to rectify their grievances. If this does not work, we issue a notice, and then take the matter up as per the law."

"They should unionise and fight for their rights," he said. The children of these families, meanwhile, have taken to either shoe-polishing, selling sugarcane (ganderi) at signals, or begging. Many children who The News spoke to said that "back home" they had been enrolled at local mosques-cum-madressahs where they learnt to read the Qura'an. None of them have set foot inside a school ever since they came to Karachi. Hakim wants to be a Qura'an teacher when he grows up, and is looking forward to getting back to his studies again.

The families, however, have no idea as to when they will be able to go back to their villages, or what to expect when they return. "I don't think anything is left behind there," Hakim's mother said. "We heard of other villages while we were back home. Nothing was left behind there except
rubble. What makes you think our village will be any different?"